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Is There Another Judaism?

  • Writer: Idan Yaron
    Idan Yaron
  • Mar 14
  • 11 min read

Updated: Mar 14

In preparation for Purim, Benzi Gopstein published a quote from Rabbi Meir Kahane: "I heard that there is a Jew, Prof. Uriel Simon, with a kippah, in Oz VeShalom movement, who does not like Purim [the Jewish Holiday that commemorates the saving of the Jewish People from annihilation at the hands of an official of the Achaemenid Empire named Haman,'' as it is recounted in the Book of Esther], but rather hates this holiday, because it symbolizes revenge... The same motive that leads him to oppose the annexation of the 'territories' to the State of Israel and certainly the Kach movement leads him not to read the Megillah reading."

 

Benzi Gopstein in disguise on Purim (The publications state: Photo courtesy of the photographed, February 2023)

 

A few words are needed about Prof. Uriel Simon and what he represents – to establish the opposite of the Kahanist Mishnah.

 

The Religious Zionist Stream that Advocates Restraint

The religious Zionist stream that advocates "political restraint" – in contrast to the one that advocates "political messianism" (and accordingly, "breaking restraint," such as the Kahanist ideology) – claims that the political reality of our time must be understood in terms of rational and ethical social restraint. This approach aligns with the demands of Halakah in its historical development.

 

Representatives of this movement tend to be moderate and encourage compromise in political matters for a more historical than meta-historical self-understanding. These can be found in the religious kibbutz movement, the Oz VeShalom movement, members of Netivot Shalom and in the Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom renewed movement.

 

The systematic starting point of these movements is the interpretation of Halakah as a factor that, throughout history, has liberated Judaism from the excesses of ecstasy and asceticism, political romanticism, and a totalizing view of time and place understood through myths.

 

These religious Zionists oppose the essential lines of political extremism. They reject the attribution of complete holiness to historical and changeable phenomena, such as territorial boundaries. They oppose the blurring of rational and critical thinking by an excess of political romanticism and rhetorical sermons. Furthermore, they resist transferring personal mystical experiences – no matter how uplifting – into the realm of political events, as this can lead to undemocratic and totalitarian policies, confusing coercion with freedom, indoctrination with education, and the rise of nationalist radicalism, both secular and religious, over democratic national policies.

 

The Religious Kibbutz

Moshe Unna – considered the main architect of religious kibbutz ideology, a humanist and socialist who believed in the foundations of democracy – wrote (2013): "We understand that our nationalism has certain limits, and it does not need to exceed its framework. We oppose aggressive nationalism. In our opinion, no national existence can last long if it is based on the oppression of other peoples, but rather on the development of internal forces."

 

The key, according to Unna, is "restraint, restraint, and limiting the instinct of selfishness." Unna claimed: "The feeling of 'you chose us,' understood as an invitation to arrogance rather than as an imposition of duties, is liable to turn nationalism into chauvinism. One must state firmly that religious obligations are no license to ignore moral obligations."

 

Unna believed that "the humane moral attitude does not come from considerations of the good of others alone, but is first and foremost a demand on ourselves: be moral and fair, for your own good, for the purity of your virtues, regardless of the level of others... What interests me is our Jewish face, not the face of the Gentiles."

 

Yaakov Drori – a religious Zionist educator, secretary general of Bnei Akiva [the largest religious Zionist youth movement in the world, first established in Mandatory Palestine in 1929, advocating the values of Torah and labor], one of the founders of the religious kibbutz movement, and the father of the Hesder yeshivot – wrote in 1945: "During the Events [the bloody clashes between the Jews and the Arabs in Israel during the period of the British Mandate], we were educated to be restrained for moral-Jewish reasons.

 

Today, we are educated to be a force, to hate, to be jealous. Is there not a danger in this education? Will this not create a cruel generation with extreme nationalist views? We ask: Is this moral? Is it in keeping with our Jewish worldview? Does not this perspective, in the spirit of which the youth of Israel are educated, give off the scent of 'My power and the strength of my hands have produced this wealth for me' [Deuteronomy 8:17]. Some see no other way to realize Zionism than by shedding blood."

 

However, Drori argued: "Zionism has decided on a path of creation and building. Youth must continue to be educated in this way. They must see weapons as a means that they will be forced to use only in times of necessity, but not as one of the primary means for achieving our Zionist goals... The role of religious youth is to serve as an example and influence the next Jewish generation to be established in this way. War in the Spirit of God and with the help of God, 'and he will be a holy teacher.'"

 

Oz VeShalom Movement

As early as the early 1970s, thinkers and activists such as Aviezer Ravitzky and Ariel Rosen-Zvi expressed concern in a letter addressed to party leaders regarding "the constant drift of the National Religious Party (Mafdal) from the moderate and balanced line that characterized it, towards hardening its political positions – due to threats, pressures, and loud demonstrations."

 

The movement was founded within the ideological circle of Modern Orthodoxy, seeking to promote moderate religious Zionism. It primarily sought to justify a "dovish" political position from a religious perspective. The movement represented the "old elites" of religious Zionism, particularly those from academic circles, who saw themselves as preserving its values against the emerging "Gush Emunim" [an activist movement committed to establishing Jewish settlements in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and Golan Heights] elite, inspired by the atmosphere and ideology of the Mercaz HaRav Yeshiva [a national-religious yeshiva in Jerusalem, founded in 1924 by Ashkenazi Chief Rabbi Abraham Issac Kook].

 

The movement took shape as an association founded by Moshe Unna, Zvi Yaron, Mordechai Breuer, Yosef Walek, Yeshayahu Libman, Ariel Rosen-Zvi, Uriel Simon, and Aviezer Ravitzky.

 

The Oz VeShalom movement published an advertisement in the Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper (February 1974), which reads as follows: "The impression among the public is growing as if all those with a religious-national outlook are taking an extreme line on foreign and security issues. It is fitting, therefore, that religious people who disagree with this line should raise their voices.

 

We call on all who identify with the content of this advertisement to join us in giving us their support: (a) We do not accept the claim that Jewish law requires a political line of action that precludes territorial compromise; (b) We are in favor of freedom of action and room for maneuver for the Israeli government on the question of the state's peace and security borders, and against extremist declarations that tie its hands in advance and harm the prospects of negotiations to reach peace agreements with any of the countries in the region; (c) We are in favor of the establishment of a government with decisive power and decision-making power, which will be able to exhaust the possibilities for reaching peace agreements; (d) We are concerned about the constant drift of the National Democratic Party has moved from the moderate and balanced line that has characterized it since its founding, towards hardening its political positions.

 

Mordechai Breuer claimed that "even in the days of the 'beginning of redemption,' the world behaves as it has always done. We must cultivate in our hearts an awareness of the Messianic era, and at the same time preserve the Halakah so as not to be distorted by trends."

 

Uriel Simon – the son of Prof. Akiva Ernst Simon, one of the founders of "Brit Shalom" [a group of Jewish Zionist intellectuals in Mandatory Palestine, founded in 1925], later a professor of Bible at Bar-Ilan University, one of the founders of the Netivot Shalom movement and one of the most important moderate thinkers in religious Zionism – was another voice that came out strongly against the messianic and warlike positions that prevailed in the public following Operation Sinai [an Egyptian military campaign, launched in early August 2012, against Islamic militants within the Sinai Peninsula].

 

Prof. Uriel Simon gives a lesson (April 2011) – In according to Section 27a of the Copyright Law

 

Aviezer Ravitzky declared: "We have come to wonder about the postponement of the end and the intoxication of the senses, and to warn against those who seek to bring the war of Gog and Magog closer at any cost."

 

In mid-1980s, an advertisement was published in the Hatzohar newspaper under the title "Time To Withstand the Burst," on behalf of the movement's leaders: "Religious Zionism is being led to a dead end: Settlement that leads to the recognition of land expropriation and a 'strong hand;' the integrity of the land at the price of denying the fundamental freedoms of others; nationalist extremism that undermines the principles of law and justice; messianism that endangers the security and integrity of the Jewish people. The time has come to return to fighting for the image of Judaism and the State of Israel for: a constructive and renewed Zionism that is ready to recognize the rights of others, while maintaining a fair and realistic compromise between Jews and Arabs while fully safeguarding Israel's security; a Judaism that respects every person created in its own image. At such a time, it is forbidden to remain silent."

 

Netivot Shalom Movement

The movement was established in 1982 – following the First Lebanon War [1982], the Sabra and Shatila massacere [the 16–18 September 1982 killing of between 1,300 and 3,500 civilians – mostly Palestinians and Lebanese Shias – in the city of Beirut during the Lebanese Civil War, perpetrated by the Lebanese Forces, one of the main Christian militias in Lebanon, and supported by the IDF], and the demand to establish a state investigation committee – and was registered as an association in 1983. Among its prominent founders: Aviezer Ravitzky, Ariel Rosen-Zvi, Uriel Simon, Gerald Kromer, Moshe Halbertal.

 

The movement resembled its predecessor in its goals and its emphasis on the struggle for peace from a religious perspective, while raising the social profile of its founders. The movement tried not to be automatically identified with the "left." It demonstrated a more active media presence than the veteran group and waged several public struggles.

 

The outcome of these basic assumptions was the policy of restraint and restraint, which condemns extremism as contrary to the true spirit of Judaism. The Oz VeShalom movement – ​​both considering the principles it published and in the words of its leading members – supported territorial and political concessions and opposed fanaticism and extremism. Here the sentiment was on ethical rather than militant grounds, considering the belief that continued forced rule over ethnic or religious minorities, such as the Arab population of the Land of Israel, could only corrupt the democratic and ethical foundations of Jewish society.

 

Ultimately, its positions leaned increasingly towards the left, a trend that ultimately led to its unification with Oz VeShalom movement (see below).

 

Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom

The growth of Gush Emunim, the peace agreements with Egypt and the opposition to the Lebanon War heralded the growth, and later the unification, of religious peace movements in the form of Oz VeShalom – Netivot Shalom (1998). The joined movement constituted a counter-reaction to the Messianic drift in religious Zionism.

 

Regardless of their differences and subtleties, in all these movements there is a religious-moral voice that rejects a forceful military ethos. Their members identified the roots of this ethos in the radical messianic view of Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook and his disciples [and by implication also of Rabbi Meir Kahane], who embraced an ethos that sanctified militant activism. The members of the movements sought to deal primarily with the practical and moral implications of the theological view of the period. They strove to return religious Zionism to its old social and spiritual values: tolerance and openness, a positive attitude towards science and secular culture, a comprehensive view of the problems and needs of Israeli society, and political moderation.

 

The movement renewed its activities in 2015 through the existing association, Oz VeShalom movement. Its board members: Zvi Mazeh, Eli Rebel, Gili Zivan, Leah Shakdiel. The religious Zionist perspective of the movement "sees our national revival in the Land of Israel as a moral and spiritual challenge and believes that the Torah of Israel can serve as a platform for building a moral and just society, which strives for peace and respects every person created in His image."

 

The leaders of the movement maintain that "we must strive to create a political reality of peace with our neighbors, based on mutual respect and cooperation... Only a just peace agreement, acceptable to both peoples, will ensure our security in the long term."

 

In their opinion, "under today's conditions, the pursuit of peace and justice cannot be consistent with preserving the integrity of the land, which is a central element in our consciousness and outlook, and therefore there is no escape from a fateful decision between these values."

 

The movement declared: "With all the pain involved, we must agree to the division of the land between us and the Palestinian people. This concession is not a sign of weakness but a courageous decision – 'The Lord gives strength to his people; the LORD blesses his people with peace' [Psalm 29:11]."

 

They believe that "a Jewish state must respect the dignity of every person – both Jew and Arab – since 'God created mankind in his own image, in the image of God he created them' [Genesis 1:27]." Our prolonged control over the Palestinian people distorts our Jewish identity and democratic values, undermines the rule of law, dulls our moral sensitivity, and fosters forceful tendencies – especially among the youth."

 

The official goals of the movement: "The movement seeks: To unite observant Jews who believe that the realization of religious Zionism today requires, first and foremost, preserving the moral integrity of Israeli society; To support the struggle for a democratic society that aspires to peace with the Palestinian people while respecting their civil and national rights; To restore belief – among both religious and secular Israelis – in the Torah of Life, whose ways are pleasant, and whose paths are peace."

 

Meimad Movement

Following the Palestinian intifada of the late 1980s, the Oslo Accords, and the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, a religious front advocating for peace gradually emerged. This effort evolved into a more institutionalized political entity: the Meimad Movement [an acronym for Medina Yehudit, Medina Demokratit].

 

In addition to religious liberal groups, the movement also included moderate factions from the National Religious Party and elements from the settlement movement in the territories. The movement emphasized the value of peace, even at the cost of painful territorial compromise.

 

The Meimad Party was founded in 1988 by Rabbi Yehuda Amital [an Orthodox Rabbi and Rosh Yeshiva of Yeshiva Har Etzion].

 

Upon the establishment of Meimad, Uriel Simon and Aviezer Ravitzky addressed their fellow members of the religious Zionist community, stating: "For many years, we have struggled – together with many friends – against the distortion of religious Zionism's values. We warned against the false equation of Torah and mitzvot with nationalist extremism and a policy of 'no matter what.' Instead, we sought to elevate the Torah of Life, honor for Israel, and human dignity to the forefront of Jewish priorities. Recently, a new political party, Meimad, has been established, embracing many of the ideals for which we have fought. On the political level, Meimad calls for making the pursuit of peace the guiding principle of the Israeli state, accepting the necessity of 'painful compromises' and 'difficult decisions.' It also demands moral sensitivity—even when fighting the enemy. On the social level, Meimad seeks to shape Israeli society based on Judaism’s central values: kindness, justice, and charity. It prioritizes caring for the sick and the weak as the primary task of a religious party. Meimad will support a coalition that advances these political and social goals. Additionally, Meimad advocates for women's participation in public and religious institutions, greater educational integration, and equal rights and duties for all types of schools. We believe Meimad's success will rekindle the spirit of religious Zionism, introduce our ideas to a wider audience, and help prevent further public desecration of God's name. Considering this, we have decided to support this party and call on our community members to vote for it and help ensure its success.

 

Meimad Party was led by Rabbi Yehuda Amital. In the 1988 Knesset elections, the movement garnered 16,000 votes but narrowly failed to pass the electoral threshold. Consequently, it did not run independently again. In 1999, Meimad joined the One Israel list, led by the Labor Party. Its representative, Rabbi Michael Melchior [an Orthodox Rabbi, thinker, and activist, who held the title of the Chief Rabbi of Norway], became its first Knesset member. Following the elections for the 15th Knesset, Rabbi Melchior was appointed Minister of Social and Diaspora Affairs and continued serving in the Knesset until the 18th Knesset. In the 2009 elections, Meimad ran on a joint list with the Green Movement, but did not pass the threshold.

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